Of what use are my creations, when my sight has failed? But nurse the hope, at least, they’ll be of use to coming generations.
[Matenadaran, Erevan, MS.1418, dated 1280 AD]
The last Catalogue of the one hundred and twenty-four Armenian manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, was begun in 1883 by the Rev. Sukias Baronian, until his death in 1904, by which time sixty- three manuscripts had been described. In 1912 F.C.Conybeare (Hon Fellow of University College, Oxford) was hired to complete the catalogue. The text of the whole catalogue was in print before the end of 1914 and appeared in 19181. According to a list compiled by David Barrett from the Department of Oriental Books in the Bodleian Library in 1982, the collection had increased by thirteen manuscripts. The decision taken by the British Library to publish a sequel to their catalogue of Armenian manuscripts2 prompted the author to include in the new research descriptions of collections in other United Kingdom Libraries and museums, among them those of the Bodleian Library. The project begun in 1987 has culminated in the publication of A Catalogue of the Armenian Manuscripts in the British acquired since the year 1913 and of collection in other libraries in the United Kingdom3.
Soon after the invention of the Armenian alphabet by Mesrop Mashtots in 406 and the completion of the translation of the Bible into Classical Armenian by 413, scriptoria were founded as centres of creative writing as well as translations4. The Armenian historian Ghazar P’arp’etsi remarks that ‘when the holy Armenian Patriarch Sahak had brought this great spiritual labour to completion [i.e. the translation of the Bible] …the ranks of scribes were increased, and they emulated each other… The churches were rendered glorious; the martyria of the saints received lustre, continually embellished by vows and gifts’. The historian is here referring to the donations of manuscripts to churches and shrines, ‘which when tasted by wisdom seeking men became sweet in their palates’. Movses Khorenatsi whose History is the most influential work in Armenian literature, in his account of the origin of the Armenian script, says St Sahak and St Mesrop bringing together a group of ‘intelligent, well spoken children from every province of Armenia instructed the youngest students among them in the art of copying [արուեստ գրչութեան]’5.Until the twelfth century the copying of manuscripts had been developed in the Armenian scriptoria attached to the monasteries and universities in Armenia and in the communities abroad, who transmitted the art of copying by scribes professional and un-professional from one generation to another. With the proliferation of scriptoria it was expected that soon or later the ‘art of copying’ would be put on a professional basis. Texts dealing with concrete problems of manuscript reproduction by Aristakes Gritch [գրիչ] (2nd half of the 12th c), Gevorg Skevratsi (1245/47-1301) and Grigor Tat’evatsi (1346-1410) are devoted to scribal art6. Armenian scribes in their colophons never indulge in self-adulation, on the contrary, the expressions of humility and self–deprecation expressed by often repeated phrases like ‘ the miserable petty scribe’, ‘a much sinful soul’, ‘falsely named a scribe’ ‘ ‘foolish scribe who bears the name of a priest but is lacking in deeds’ and ‘I, the unworthy copyist of this most glorious Lectionary’ are evidence of their approach to the task of copying manuscript.
A scribe named Step’anos working in the Crimea, who is the copyist of a Grammar in 1357 gives a very personal appraisal of the scribal art [արուեստ գրչութեան].
‘As it is impossible for the birds to pull a yoke and make a furrow, and for the oxen to fly, so also no one can attain mastery of the great art of manuscript [արուեստին մեծի գրչութեան] without studying it. And should anyone be audacious enough to undertake [copying manuscript], he will fail, and he will corrupt the art [զարուեստն] and adulterate the text,like the uninteligent food provider that is a butcher who cannot distinguish the joints [of the animal] and unskilfully cuts the flesh from the limbs and the rest. But there are other foolish and stupid man this [art] is like a pearl on the nose of a pig or like a golden necklace around the neck of a donkey; but he who is intoxicated with its love, he alone appreciates its sweetness’ [Khatchikyan, 14th Century Colophons, Mat. Ms. no. 2371, pp. 426-27]. On the other end there are numerous scribes who plead with the reader ‘not to blame them for the large script [խոշորութեան գրոյս] for I was ignorant in the art of writing [ախմար էաք յարհեստ գրչութեան] [Khatchikyan, 14th Century Colophons ,Mat.Ms.no.3651,p.118]. It is also the case that many wished to leave a memory of their piety and plead with the reader to be merciful regarding the errors for in the end ‘my love triumphed over the art and allowed me to copy’ [Khatchikyan, 15th Century Colophons, Part II,Mat,MS.no.1301,p.5].
The manuscript has traditionally been the Armenian religious object par excellence, comparable to the reliquary in the Catholic West and the icon in the Orthodox tradition. Armenian manuscripts were the locus of faith, to be treasured and guarded. Just as the Byzantine emperors sometimes carried an icon as a palladium, during their military expeditions, the Armenians took with them the Holy Gospel. Manuscripts, especially endowed with miraculous powers, were given special names, for instance ‘Saviour of All’ (Ամենափրկիչ), or ‘Resurrect-or of the Dead’ (Մեռելահարոյց), or ‘Red Gospel’ (Կարմիր Աւետարան), or ‘Awag Gospel’ [Superior] (Աւագ Վանքի Աւետարան), and ‘Earthquake Gospel’ (Ժաժկանց Աւետարան). The c.30,000 extant manuscripts, despite destruction wrought by time, testifies to the important place they occupied in the spiritual lives of the people. The manuscripts were thought of as pledges for the salvation of the donors, as imperishable treasures set in heaven, and this is one of the reasons also why Armenian manuscripts are rarely anonymous productions. The commissioners, as well as the scribes, the artists, the binders, the restorers, and those who rescued a manuscript from ‘captivity’, all wished their names and those of their relatives, to be recorded as testimony of their pious act, so that they might be recalled in the prayers of all those who would have the occasion to use or recopy the manuscript. From very early on the act of commissioning, receiving, restoring and rescuing manuscripts was considered a religious obligation. The words of Christ ‘Lay not up for yourself treasures upon earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt, and where thieves break through and steal: but lay up for yourself treasures in heaven, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt; and where thieves do not break through nor steal’ (Matt.VI: 19-20). This understanding is beautifully expressed by a scribe in a colophon of a Gospel he copied in 1620 ‘The ways of doing good and nearing God are many, the greatest being martyrdom, then by the life of monasticism and finally by purchasing books of the scriptures for the glory of God, to aid personal salvation and benefit of the public’.
The scribes of Armenian manuscripts provide information not only on the scribes, the artists, the recipients, the binders, the restorers but they also provide eyewitness or contemporary accounts of historical events, which occurred during the copying of the manuscript. On this evidence, the colophons are unique primary sources not only for the history of Armenia but also of the countries neighbouring Armenia. The use of the Armenian colophon as a primary source for historical research is witnessed as early as the thirteenth century, by the Armenian historian Step’anos Orbelian and in modern times by Arak’el Davrizhetsi, Mik’ael Chamchian, Maghakia Ormanian7. The collection and publication of these colophons has been the focus of Armenian codicology since the 18th century8.
The format of the colophon as a genre are well established and followed by all scribes. A typical colophon begins with the praise ‘Glory be’ («Փառք») reiterating the Armenian Churche's Trinitarian doctrine as expounded by the First Three Ecumenical Councils (Nicaea 325; Constantinople 381 and Ephesus 431). This section is then followed by remarks pertaining to the text, with theological observations. Next is mentioned the name of the commissioner of the manuscript, sponsor, or purchaser of the manuscript, ending with a plea to remember him or her and their ‘blood relatives’ («արեան մերձաւորաց»). The final section begins with the words ‘copied’ («Արդ գրեցաւ») in which the scribe identifies himself, his status, chronological data supported by the name of the incumbent Catholicos, abbot of the monastery in which the manuscript was copied, names of the foreign rulers.
‘Glory to the singular power and the Trinitarian confession ,the consubstantial, equally resplendent, uniform, coequal, sublime and self-existent essence and union, the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, now and forever, amen’
This book emanating from the soul, which is called [title of book],was completed in the year [date in the Armenian era], in the canton of [name], during the catholicate of [name of the catholicos], in the celestial, most renowned, angel-inhabited and God – inhabited monastery, which is called [name], and which is like the heavenly Jerusalem, under the protection of [name of the saint or saints] during the primacy of our holy congregation of [name of the primate/abbot] who is pure in life, humble by nature, affable in speech, generous in heart like Abraham, at the feet of the prelate [name], copied by the most sinful and artless scribe [name]. This manuscript was received by a certain monk called [name], who is diligent and valorous in virtuous deeds, bred in a monastery, instructed and nurtured at the feet of [name], shining like a lantern in the church, and the fragrant like God-pleasing incense, and like a rational swallow perched in a temple, and like a bee yearning for the divine dew-drop. Thus he longed for this book and had it copied for his own enjoyment and in memory of his parents. I beseech you all, who should encounter this book, to ask God’s mercy for him and for me, the unworthy scribe [name] who began to copy this by the grace of God and completed it with His help. For the merciful God heeds those who intercede for others, for what is within your means to do is our, most urgent need. And may Christ God have mercy upon you who should remember us, as well as upon us who are hopeful’
The colophons are also replete with information on:
- Motives for sponsorship or commissioning of manuscripts;
- Motives for the reproduction of manuscripts;
- Scribes and the art of manuscript production;
- The conditions under which manuscripts were copied; and
- Injunctions and warnings to the future generations on the need to protect and preserve manuscripts.
As an illustration of the spirit in which scribes worked, and estimated the value of their labour, is best illustrated with the aid of the following selection of colophons, in Armenian ‘Յիշատակարան’ (‘place of memory), derived from the verb ‘յիշեմ' meaning 'to remember', 'to recollect', ‘to record’ 'which figure most often in manuscript is both typical and memorable. The scribe regarded the fruits of his labour as an ‘indelible memorial’ to himself on earth
‘Long after my hand has withered
And the body itself turned to dust,
This writing shall continue to be read’
(Matenadaran MS.no.1418)
In this statement ‘this writing shall continue to be read’ is more than just a sentimental instruction. Given the tangible and intangible values of manuscripts, preservation was a matter of great concern, and the scribes, especially in later manuscripts, beg the readers not to scribble in the margins, not to cut the pictures or thumb the pages; they instruct them not to let the wax drop on the book and to hold it with cloth. But the good care was not sufficient, and a scribe writes
‘In times of wars and invasions carry the manuscripts to the cities and bury them, but in times of peace take them out and read them, for closed books are like idols9. The scribe’s comparing of closed books to idols should also be taken as a warning to owners of manuscripts to refrain from extreme form of veneration, against which the Armenian theologian Vrt’anes Kerthogh (550-620) had in his treatise ‘Յաղագս Պատկերամարտից' warned against:
‘When we bow down before the Holy Gospel, or when we kiss it, we do not bow before the ivory or the purple colour…but before the word of the Saviour written on the parchment…For we attain the invisible through what is visible; and the pigments and the pictures are memorials of the living God and of His servants10.
The scribe Vardan, who copied Eghishe vardapet’s History of Vardan and the Armenian War, in 1310 in Van writes11 –
‘Thus no one has ownership over this, neither my close relatives or others. The owner and those with authority over it is God and the Apostles. And if they should ask for this for purposes of reading or copying it, let this [request] not be denied, for the reason for my copying it was that everyone might benefit from it’ (Matenadaran, Erevan MS.no.4809).
The scribe Kostandin Vahkatsi, in the colophon of a manuscript he copied in 1413 and presented to the Church of Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem writes -
‘Thus no one has ownership over this, neither my close relatives or others. The owner and those with authority over it is God and the Apostles. And if they should ask for this for purposes of reading or copying it, let this [request] not be denied, for the reason for my copying it was that everyone might benefit from it’ (Matenadaran, Erevan MS.no.4809).
The scribe Kostandin Vahkatsi, in the colophon of a manuscript he copied in 1413 and presented to the Church of Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem writes -
Let no one remove it from this place
Let no one hand it over to an infidel.
Should there be any fear from the enemies.
Let them put it in safekeeping in the fort
or take it to the island of Cyprus;
And when the danger has passed
Bring it back to this place
And receive their fitting reward
[Khatchikyan, 15th Century, Jerusalem [MS. no. 159], p. 158]
The added interesting point here is that those who saved manuscripts were considered worthy of ‘fitting reward’ [Եւ վարձս առցեն ըստ վաստակի].
The scribe Lazar, who copied a Book of Chants in 1424 now in the Matenadaran collection, writes in his colophon-
‘I plead you who may encounter this Ganjaran to take good care of this book and [not to handle it] without a cloth/// not to wet the fingers at all and not to turn the pages in vain and he who tears off any folios from this may God cut off his life, and he who takes good care of it may God adorn his soul and make him worthy of Paradise’ [Khatchikyan, 15thCcentury, vol.I MS.no. 8188, pp.322-23]. Another scribe, Matteos who copied the Lectionary dated 1459 pleads ‘For God’s sake, keep it away from candle and oil and hold it with a white cloth, I beg you’ [Khatchikyan,15th Century, Vol. II, Matenadaran MS.no.6272, p.120].
Garianes, a lady recipient of a Lectionary dated 1412, which she donated to the Church of the Holy Virgin Mary in memory of her husband, her parents and ‘blood – relatives’ [արեանառու ազգականացն], gives this warning to her children and distant relatives:
‘If any among my children or relatives contemplates selling or mortgaging this book or cuts the pages, let Christ cut off his life and place him among the infidels. Priests, deacons and servants of the church take good care of this book, do not keep it without cover [this is a reference to the habit of leaving the readings open for the following day] or lay it on the stone without cover’ [Khatchikyan 15th Century, Vol.I, Matenadaran MS.no.7448, p.140].
Finally, it is imperative to emphasise that the scribes themselves regarded colophons important and passed specific injunctions and warning against those who mishandled them. In a manuscript on the Life of St John Chrysostom, dated 1101, the scribe Mat’eos instructs –
‘Those who read intellectually the life of the saints or copy, in your prayers render worthy the labour of the workers, so that through the prayer of the patriarch may [they] share in his resurrection. I entrust those who wish to copy this manuscript, the command that no one should dare to deface the colophon of the authors, for he will also be deprived of the book of life’ [Mat’evosyan, 5-12th Century, no.168, p.136].
The scribe Abraham who is responsible for copying a manuscript containing The life of St Gregory Nazianzus, in 1101 gives this warning to future scribes of his manuscript-
‘And you faithful children of the Church offer the same reverence and when copying do not abbreviate the colophon and dishonour his memory [Mat’evosyan, 5-12th Century, no.169,p.137].
The scribe Nerses instructs future receivers of his manuscript of the Eulogy on St Gregory the Illuminator by St John Chrysostom , dated 1140, not to forget to-
‘Add a little memorial of your own each time the manuscript changes hands, so that your names will also be recorded on the ‘tablet of life’ of Christ of immortal memory’ [Mat’evosyan, 5-12th Century, no.190,p.161].
I wish to conclude this section with a quotations from a colophon found in a manuscript of a Miscellany [Ժողովածու] copied by the scribe Sahak in Poland in 1640. He writes-
‘This was copied by the hands of an inexperienced and uneducated servant of God the adolescent Sahak, son of Grigor. Now humbly, I beseech you, fathers and lords, who come across this book of mine be forgiving in regard to the mistakes and lack of ornamented letters. But be not surprised because I am just a child, that is 11years and 4 months less. Particularly I am not well versed in the art of calligraphy. But the command, fear and reproach of my teacher forced me to complete such a divine treasure to the best of my ability,by the grace of God to whom be fitting glory and honour’ [Hakobyan & Hovhannisyan,17th Century (1621-1640)].
During the winter of 1604-1605, Shah Abbas ordered 20,000 Armenians from the city of Julfa along the Arax river, to be deported to Isfahan, which in a short period formed the nucleus of one of the most remarkable Armenian colony in the diaspora. It even came to the point of constituting a real state within a state under the administrative rule of the k’alant’ar, who had widespread powers, but its real strength resided in the economy, because Armenians had taken over most of the commercial activities of the city. The intense intellectual and artistic activities, which flourished until the beginning of the 18th century, can only be explained by their numerous commercial links with other parts of the world. The accumulated wealth of the rich merchants, the wealthy khodjas created a dynamic and influential centre which gave birth to cultural reawakening movement in Armenia itself and among the Armenian communities in India, Syria, Constantinople, Amsterdam, Venice, Vienna, Russia and Poland. In 1638 Khatchatour Kesaratsi (1590-1646) established a printing press in the church of the All Saviour’s (Amenaprkitch) and printed a Book of Psalms in 1638, the Lives of the Saints,1641, Missal,1641 and Breviary 1641-42. The only existing copy of the Book of Psalms is in the Bodleian Library. In 1666, with the help of the Armenian merchants from Julfa the first complete Bible in classical Armenian was printed in Amsterdam11.
The collection of the Armenian manuscripts of All Saviour’s cathedral is one of the richest constituent of the cultural heritage of New Julfa. The monastery from the very beginning of its establishment became a centre of manuscript production and continued long after the founding of Armenian printing in Venice in 1513. Itinerant scribes and painters from other parts of the Armenian diaspora were attracted by and settled in New Julfa.
Among the Armenians who were relocated from Armenia to New Julfa by Shah ‘Abbas the Great in 1604-1605 were the artists Mesop of Khizan and Yakob Jughayetsi [of New Julfa]. Mesrop of Khizan is the most prolific scribe and artist, who has copied, illuminated and restored over 44 manuscripts between 1608 to 1652, and is well represented in the collections in the United Kingdom.
Among the first manuscripts bearing his name is the Bodleian Library’s manuscript of the Four Gospels dated 1609, the colophon of which provides a vivid account of the re-settlment of Armenians in Isfahan -
‘In the Armenian era 1058 [i.e.AD 1609] under the shelter of the Church of Holy Virgin Mary, during the Catholicate of Ter Melkiset’ Catholicos of All Armenians [had declared himself catholicos in 1593 as a rival of David IV of Vagharshapet, 1590-1629] and during the primacy of Archbishop Mesrop over our village Julfa (գեաւղիս Ջուլայոյ) and in the reigh of Shah ‘Abbas who in 1052 [1603] came with a large army upon the royal city (թագաւորանիստ քաղաքին Դավրէժոյ] Davrezh, to avenge his sire’s blood, and he utterly destroyed the race of Austman (զազգն աւսմանայ) by his valour and his resources; and crossing the Eraskh (Araxes), he entered the canton of Ararat and attacked the fortress at Erevan (յԱրեւանա) and he slew the enemy, and laid waste all the country in the year 1053(AD 1604). Mourning fell upon Armenia, for he destroyed and made desolate all houses and dwellings, so that men fled and hid themselves in fortresses and clefs of rocks. Some he found and slew, others he led captive and sent to that city of Shawsh or Aspahan (Isfahan) which Daniel saw in the wilderness…and settled us on the south bank of the river Zandar, which is salty [Conybeare translated salty as another name for the river Zandar], where we built houses and dwellings and churches for our worship and named the village Tchajoghay and Jougha [Չաջողայ եւ ոչ Ջուղա “unlucky Jougha and not Jougha”], for though the king’s heart was well disposed towards the Christians, yet the inhabitants of the city were cruel and [were] opposed and blaspheming of our practices… for the nature of the soil is evil and hot and dry and we were full of bodily ills…’12.
In the British Library’ Ms. Oriental MS. 5737 a Gospel copied by the scribe Mesrop, he says -
‘This Holy Gospel was completed in the Great Armenian era 1057 (AD 1608 [not 1607]), the name of the place which I need not repeat, during the primacy of brave and courageous rabounapet (teacher) Simeon vardapet, whose soul may God rank among the twelve apostles, for by preaching the word of God he comforts the woeful and mourning hearts of all Christians in this land of the unlawful. During the catholicate of Catholicos Ter Melk’iset, and Dawit’ Catholicos of All Armenians, and during the primacy over our diocese of Mesrop, and during the reign of the wise Shah ‘Abbas ‘the red headed [կարմիր գլխոյ]’ The Safavid Turkoman tribesmen were known as Qizilbash, a Turkish word meaning ‘red-head’, because they wore a red bonnet with twelve folds symbolising the Twelve Shi’i imams.
He ends his colophon with this message-
‘By God’s grace I began, and by his mercy completed this holy Gospel in this city of Shosh, which is translated Aspahan, where Daniel saw the vision of the kings of Persia…However, in this embittered time all the believers of Christ have been left prisoners of the Persians, without hope of rescue. Remembering Nerses’ words, that there shall come the race of Franks, and then be a renovation of the Christian churches and all the faithful’13.
The reference to Nerses I Part’ev (353-373) is meant to remind Armenians of the mission the former undertook to renew a covenant of peace and alliance with the Romans14. The vision of Daniel is told in Chapter 4:vv.21-22 and is the reading of the Three children in the burning furnace read in the Armenian Church during the celebration of the Evening Divine Liturgy celebrated on the eve of Christmas and Easter.
British Library’s Ms.Add.18, 549, which is a splendid manuscript of the Four Gospels on fine white vellum copied in Sis, the capital city of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia in 1280 during the reign of King Levon by the scribe Step’annos Vahkatsi in 1280, found its way to New Julfa and in 1618, where Mesrop of Khizan a renowned artist was hired by the ‘patrons of patron khodjay Nazar to restore the manuscript to its former glory. Mesrop gives this account of his work -
‘Once more, remember in Christ the last owner of this holy Gospel Paron of Parons, khodjay Nazar who acquired it with money honestly earned by toil, and had it repaired, illuminated and adorned with gold, and with lapis lazuli, and all kinds of colours. therefore, Mesrop dpir (clerk) of Khizan repaired afresh this book, and illuminated it with gold and lapis lazuli and all sorts of colours in union, unto the glory of holy Church, and for the use of the children of Sion, for a goodly memorial of himself and of his parents’. The artist Mesrop concludes the principal colophon with this memorial to himself…
‘I, therefore, Mesrop, the dpir (clerk) of Khizan, repaired afresh this book, and illuminated it with gold and lapis lazuli and all sorts of colours un unison. I laboured much, and completed it in the land of the Persians, in the city of Aspahan, in reign of Shah ‘Abbas, who by dint of courage conquers his enemies; and in the tenure of our own patriarch Ter David and of Ter Melk’iseth, Catholicos of all Armenians, in our own era 1067(A.D.1618), it was completed and bound ’15.
Wealthy merchants in New Julfa acquired, repaired and rebound, adorned with new illuminations earlier manuscripts (BL.Add.18,549, Add.15,411,Or.82,Or.5737,Or.2680). The new owners who paid for the work had colophons copied into them. For example-
‘I have had this precious garden, this fragrant orchard, this pure and shining book restored in memory of myself and of my parents, my wife, and my children. Blessed is he with a child in Zion’. In the opinion of the Vardan Baghishetsi, an artist representing the Vaspourakan school of artists active between 1569-78, ‘the restoration of thirty or forty manuscripts, saving them from deterioration and destruction has more value than building a church’16.
The ‘child in Zion’ is the manuscript itself through the colophon – called yishatakaran, literally,‘place of memory – it carries on the name and the memory of its owners, tying him to the saving powers of the Armenian Church.
The Armenian alphabet and the manuscript is the principal tool for the founding and preservation of Armenian political and cultural identity. The alphabet and the literature continued to serve their initial objectives throughout the centuries, with independence, without independence and when under foreign occupation. The manuscript is a historical –cultural monument, a forceful expression of its historical development, created under specific conditions, place and time. Those who copied manuscripts, those who commissioned the copying of manuscripts, those who saved manuscripts from captivity, protected it, repaired it, were the defenders of the Armenian faith, language and literature and were therefore worthy of praise and worthy of having memorials.
In the colophon of a royal Psalter [British Library, MS. 13804] copied for King Leo II (Levon,1269-89) king of Cilician Kingdom of Armenia by the scribe Yohan and illuminated by the celebrated artist of the Cilician school of miniaturists, after an eulogy on the Book of Psalms, the colophon sates ‘Falling in love with this all-embracing treasure-house of good things, the pious and godly king of the Armenians, King Levon, heir and inheritor of the crown of this kingdom of the Armenian people…at whose command this Psalter of David was written for the embellishment of the church and for the instruction of the children of New Sion, and having his own wish to sing and psalm [սաղմոսել] and speak with God leisurely [անըզբաղապէս] and to leave a memorial to his good deeds for the future times. Copied in the Armenian era 732 in the capital Sis the city of royal residence. Those who use this remember’17.
In conclusion I cannot resist quoting the striking statement found in a Gospel which King Het’um I (1226-69), the founder of the Het’umide dynasty of Cilician Armenia had it copied for him in 1293 ‘ to plant’ it in the Church he had built in the fortress of Korikos.
‘In there and for the illumination of souls, the Gospel of Christ was necessary to be in the Eden of the Church, as was the tree of life in the Garden of Eden’. King Het’um takes three measures to protect his land and people against the enemy. First, he built a fortress, on the island facing Korikos. Next, he built a church in the new fortress, and lastly, ‘he planted’ the life giving book of the Gospels in the Church. He explains:
‘It is necessary to explain the reason for having a copy of this Gospel. At the end of time that we have reached, all the world is suffering like a man who has aged and has reached the end of his life; he suffers because the strength of his limbs has diminished and he laments because of the loss of his senses. In the same way, because the world has aged, the action of the good deeds has decreased and the fire of the evil has increased and spread, so the different parts of the universe suffer chagrin’. Het’um characterises the Gospel’s life giving qualities thus –
‘Because the Gospel is a herald of the promises, of the joyful enjoyments and the dignity of life without sorrow, it [the Gospel] announces the coming down of God to earth and the rising of man to heaven; it speaks to humankind about the sharing of life with the angels and cohabitation with them; it communicates to us the divine virtues that Jesus planted on earth’ [Mat’evosyan, 13th Century Colophons,Mat.MS.no.5613,p.719]18. This is exactly what the Armenian Church declares every Sunday in its Liturgy ‘In this dwelling of holiness and place of praise, in this habitation of angels and the place of expiation of men, before these holy signs and the holy place that hold God up to us [աստուծընկալ] and are resplendent, we bow down in fear and worship’. The holy signs are the Gospel and the cross on the altar.
This best encapsulates the distinctive spiritual, deeply passionate devotion the manuscripts of the scriptures hold in the private and public life of scribes and sponsors of manuscripts.
Bibliography
1.Rev. Sukias Baronian and F.C.Conybeare, Catalogue of the Armenian Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1918).
2.F.C.Conybeare, A Catalogue of the Armenain manuscripts in the British Museum ( London, 1913).
3.Vrej Nerses Nersessian, A catalogue of the Armenian manuscripts in the British Library acquired since the year 1913 and of collections in other libraries of the United Kingdom (London, 2012).
4.Fr.Krikor Maksoudian, The origins of the Armenian alphabet and literature ( New York,2006).
5. The History of Lazar P’arp’ec’i, translated by Robert W.Thomson (Atlanta, Georgia,1991), p.51; Movses Khorenatsi,History of the Armenians,M.Abeghian & S.Yarou tiwnian ed.(rep.Erevan, 1991), Chapter 53,p.327.
6.Khatcheryan,Levon G., Գրչության արվեստի լեզվական-քերականական տեսությունը միջնադարյան Հայաստանում[ The liguistic-grammatical theory concerning “ Art of writing” in medieval Armenia].This significant study publishes the critical texts of the three theoretical treatises with introduction and commentary.
7.Step’anos Orbelian, Սյունիքի Պատմություն: Թարգ.,ներած.,եւ ծանոթ.,Ա.Ա. Աբրահամյանի(Erevan,1986).Orbelian(1260-1304)likeEghishe(400?-464?)author of History of Vardan and the Armenian War, define their Histories as «Յիշատակաց մատեան» and « Յիշատակարան եւ պատմութիւն».
7. Arak’el Dawrizhetsi, Գիրք Պատմութեանց: Աշխ. Լ.Ա.Խանալարյանի(Erevan,1990), Mik’ayel Chamchian, Պատմութիւն Հայոց ի սկզբանէ աշխարհի մինչեւ ցամ տեառն 1784…բովանդակեալ եւ յերիս հատորս տրոհեալ(Venice1784-86;facm.reprint Erevan,1985);Maghak’ia Ormanian,Patriarch, Ազգապատում:Հայ Ուղղափառ եկեղեցւոյ անցքերը սկիզբէն մինչեւ մեր օրերը յարակից ազգային պարագաներով պատմուած (2nd printing, Beirut, 1959-61).
8. Published colophons of Armenian manuscripts in chronological order-
a.Garegin I Catholicos [Yovsep’eants], Յիշատակարանք Ձեռագրաց :Հատոր Ա (Ե.դարից մինչեւ 1250թ)[ Colophons of Armenian manuscripts from the 5th century to 1250](Ant’ilias,1951).
b.A.S.Mat’evosyan, Հայերեն Ձեռագրերի Հիշատակարաններ Ե-ԺԲ ԴԴ.[ Colophons of Armenian manuscripts ,5th to 12th century] (Erevan,1988).
c.A.A.Mat’evosyan, Հայերեն Ձէռագրերի Հիշատակարաններ ԺԳ դար [Colophons of Armenian manuscripts of the 13th century] (Erevan, 1984).
d. L.S.Khatchikyan, ԺԴ Դարի Հայերեն Ձեռագրերի Հիշատակարաններ [Colophons of 14th century Armenian manuscripts] ( Erevan, 1950).
e. L.S.Khatchikyan, ԺԵ Դարի Հայերեն Ձեռագրերի Հիշատակարաններ:Մասն Առաջին (1401-1450 թթ) [ Colophons of 15th century Armenian manuscripts.Part I( 1401-1450);Part II(1451-1480); Part III (1481-1500) ( Erevan, 1955,1958,1967).
f.V.Hakobyan & A.Hovhannisyan, Հայերեն Ձեռագրերի ԺԷ Դարի Հիշատակարաններ (Colophons of 17th century Armenian manuscripts).Vol.I ( 1601-20), II (1621-40) ,III (1641-1660) ( Erevan,1974, 1978,1984).For a review on the I volume of this compilation see L.Khatchikyan, ‘ԺԷ դարի Հայերեն ձեռագրերի յիշատակարանների Առաջին Հատորը’,Աշխատութիւններ Հատոր Ա (Erevan,1995), pp.333-86.
g.Avedis K.Sanjian, Colophons of Armenian manuscripts,1301-1480.A source of Middle Eastern History.Selected,translated,and annotated ( Cambridge, Mass.,1969).The colophons selected and translated are from the three volumes by L.S.Khatchikyan.
h. A. Mat’evosyan, Հայերեն ձեռագրերի հիշատակարանները միջնադարյան հայ մշակույթի ուսումնասիրության սկզբնաղբյուր[The colophons of Armenian manus cripts as primary source for the study of Armenian culture] ( Erevan,1998).
9. Sirarpie Der Nersessian, The Chester Beatty Library. A catalogue of the Armenian manuscripts (Dublin, 1958), Vol. I, p. xxi.
10.Norayr Pogharian,Archbishop, Հայ գրողներ (Jerusalem 1971),pp.55-58; S. Der Nersessian, ‘Une apologie des images du septieme siecle’, Etudes Byzantines et Armeniennes = Byzantine and Armenian Studies (Louvain,1973),Vol. I, pp.379- 803.
11.Vrej Nersessian, Catalogue of early Armenian Books 1512-1850 (The British Library,1980), pp.21-24.This is a Union Catalogue of the holdings of the British Library and the Bodleian Library.
12.Rev.Sukias Baronian and F.C.Conybeare,Catalogue of the Armenian Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library,MS.Arm.d.13,pp.107-12.
13.F.C.Conybeare,A Catalogue of the Armenian Manuscripts in the British Museum,MS.Or.5737, pp.42-44.
14.The most detailed account of the embassy is found in P’awstos Biwzand, The Epic Histories ( (Biwzandaran ).Translation and Commentary by Nina G.Garsoian ( Cambridge, Mass., 1989), Bk IV,Chapter V,p.116. See also her ‘ Quidam Narseus? Note on the mission of St Nerses the Great’, Armeniaca.Melanges D’Etudes armeniennes (Venise,1968),pp.148-64.
15. Vrej Nersessian, Armenian illuminated Gospel-Books (The British Library, 1987), pp.32-36.
16. G.V.Abgaryan, The Matenadaran ( Erevan,1962), p.12.
17.Vrej Nersessian, A catalogue of the Armenian manuscripts in the British library,pp.107-15.
18. The manuscripts produced during his reign of King Het’um (1289-1303) and Catholicos Kostandin I Barjrberdtsi (1221-1267) ‘ rival in quality the best products of Medieval art’ S.Der Nersessian) had inherited from his parents King Levon and Queen Keran a manuscript of a Psalter copied in 1268,to which he attached a colophon in 1293, after he had given up his throne to his nephew Levon III ‘ And I Het’um recognising my unworthiness, before I am called by Him, retired and exchanged the throne for the monk’s cassock and changed my name Het’um to Yovhannes. For this I plead with you to remember my above mentioned parents in your prayers to Christ, and me Het’um, and not to forget me in your prayers ,and you will be remembered [in return]’.See Matevosyan, 13th Century Colophons , MS.no.573, p.705.Cf. Jacob G.Ghazarian, The Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia during the Crusades.The intergration of Cilician Armenians with the Latins 1080-1393 (London, 2000), p. 56 ; Kirakos Ganjaketsi, Պատմութիւն Հայոց (Erevan, 1961),Chapter 58, p.370.
Rev. Dr. Vrej Nersessian. Former Head of the Christian Middle East Section in The British Library (1975-2012). A lecture of the same title was presented to the Friends of the Bodleian on Tuesday 19th October 2013 in the Convocation House, Bodleian Library, Oxford.